{"id":30529,"date":"2026-05-06T07:02:34","date_gmt":"2026-05-06T04:02:34","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/stj-sy.org\/?p=30529"},"modified":"2026-05-05T22:54:50","modified_gmt":"2026-05-05T19:54:50","slug":"behind-closed-doors-afrins-people-between-detention-and-denial","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/stj-sy.org\/en\/behind-closed-doors-afrins-people-between-detention-and-denial\/","title":{"rendered":"Behind Closed Doors: Afrin\u2019s People Between Detention and Denial"},"content":{"rendered":"

<\/a>1. Executive Summary<\/h4>\n

This report presents a detailed, evidence-based account of a systematic pattern of grave human rights violations in Afrin and its surrounding areas, committed by armed factions formerly operating under the Turkish-backed Syrian National Army (SNA). These violations, which began in the aftermath of the 2018 Operation Olive Branch, have persisted and remain in place even after the fall of the Assad regime and the establishment of the Syrian Transitional Government in late 2024. The findings of this expanded investigation fall within a period of significant institutional restructuring. Following the conclusion of Operation Deterrence of Aggression, the SNA announced its formal dissolution and the integration of its constituent factions into the Ministry of Defense under the Transitional Government. This transition was officially ratified at the Victory Conference on 29 January 2025.[1]<\/a><\/p>\n

The report is based on 41 direct testimonies and a range of open-source materials, revealing systematic patterns of arbitrary detention, torture, enforced disappearance, financial extortion, and discrimination based on ethnic identity, amid an almost complete absence of accountability and judicial oversight[2]<\/a>.<\/p>\n

The findings show that arbitrary detention was the primary entry point into a broader cycle of violations. Civilians were arrested without judicial warrants, often at checkpoints or while returning from displacement, and subsequently transferred to an extensive network of formal and informal detention facilities. These sites included schools, factories, warehouses, and confiscated civilian homes, all repurposed as detention centers operating outside any legal framework and governed by a security-driven approach rooted in violence and humiliation.<\/p>\n

The report further reveals that these practices continued after 2024, underscoring that the violations are not confined to the wartime period or solely linked to the former regime. Syrians for Truth and Justice (STJ) documented arrests of civilians returning to Afrin after the fall of the regime, who were detained under the pretext of \u201cinspection\u201d or \u201csecurity screening\u201d and then subjected to beatings and ill-treatment without being brought before judicial authorities. This demonstrates that the same repressive structures remain in place despite the changing political context.<\/p>\n

The report also documents recurring patterns of torture and inhuman treatment, including severe beatings, electric shocks, suspension, burning, starvation, verbal abuse, and threats of sexual violence. These practices were not isolated incidents but part of a systematic policy used to extract forced confessions or coerce families into paying financial ransoms. Notably, torture was inflicted in front of family members or on relatives to exert psychological pressure on detainees, methods that stand out as among the most brutal and impactful.<\/p>\n

The report also shows that the release of detainees was often contingent on paying large sums of money, without any written judicial decisions or official receipts, effectively turning deprivation of liberty into a tool of extortion and a parallel economy that benefits armed factions and their leaders. Arrests were also accompanied by looting and property seizures, either during raids or as an undeclared condition for release.<\/p>\n

At the level of identity, testimonies reveal a systematic policy of discrimination against Kurdish residents, in which the \u201cready-made accusation\u201d of affiliation with Kurdish entities or involvement in the structures of the former self-administration was used to justify arrest and torture. These accusations were often accompanied by degrading rhetoric and ethnically charged insults, indicating that the violations specifically targeted Kurds on the basis of their identity.<\/p>\n

The report further highlights that the integration of armed factions into the Ministry of Defense of the Syrian transitional government, and the appointment of their leaders to official positions, occurred without any genuine accountability for documented violations. On the contrary, it included individuals named in international human rights reports and on sanctions lists. This reality underscores the continued policy of impunity and the reproduction of a repressive system in new institutional forms.<\/p>\n

The report finds that the violations documented in Afrin constitute a systematic and ongoing policy that has persisted since 2018, despite changes in authority. As such, they amount to continuous violations that require comprehensive redress within a transitional justice framework that excludes no party.<\/p>\n

In light of these findings, the report concludes with a set of recommendations addressed to the Syrian transitional government and the international community, calling for official recognition of the violations, the opening of independent investigations, linking the integration of armed factions to effective accountability mechanisms, the closure of unofficial detention centers, and the guarantee of victims\u2019 rights to truth, justice, and reparations, conditions considered essential for any political transition grounded in the rule of law and the prevention of future violations.<\/p>\n

You May Read and Download the Full Version, in PDF Format by Clicking here.<\/a><\/span><\/h6>\n

 <\/p>\n

[1]<\/a>\u201cDecisions of the Syrian Victory Conference… A Point of Order,\u201d [in Arabic], Al-Araby Al-Jadeed, 5 February 2025, https:\/\/www.alaraby.co.uk\/opinion\/%D9%82%D8%B1%D8%A7%D8%B1%D8%A7%D8%AA-%D9%85%D8%A4%D8%AA%D9%85%D8%B1-%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%86%D8%B5%D8%B1-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B3%D9%88%D8%B1%D9%8A-%D9%86%D9%82%D8%B7%D8%A9-%D9%86%D8%B8%D8%A7%D9%85<\/a> (Last accessed: 28 March 2026).<\/p>\n

[2]<\/a> See, for example: \u201cEverything is by the Power of the Weapon: Abuses and Impunity in Turkish-Occupied Northern Syria”, Human Rights Watch, 29 February 2024, https:\/\/www.hrw.org\/report\/2024\/02\/29\/everything-power-weapon\/abuses-and-impunity-turkish-occupied-northern-syria<\/a> (Last accessed: 1 April 2026);
\nSee also: Report of the Independent International Commission of<\/p>\n

Inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic, A\/HRC\/49\/77, 8 February 2022, https:\/\/docs.un.org\/en\/A\/HRC\/49\/77<\/a>\u00a0 (Last accessed: 1 April 2026).<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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